People of the Revolution and the USSR

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1935–

The conservative apparatchik who founded the Russian republic's Communist Party

Gorbachev later said: 'I have known Polozkov for a very long time. He is an honest, decent fellow, but stupid and uneducated. Someone writes something for him, and he recites it.'

Founding First Secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (1990–1991), the first republican-level Communist Party in Russian history, and the public face of the conservative anti-perestroika opposition within the CPSU. In May 1990 he contested Boris Yeltsin for the chairmanship of the RSFSR Supreme Soviet and led in early counts before the Politburo ordered him to stand down; weeks later the founding congress elected him to lead the new Russian party. A provincial apparatchik who had run the Krasnodar party organization for five years, he rose to the CPSU Politburo but was caught between reformers and hardliners, resigning after a heart attack in August 1991. He remained a symbolic elder of the Russian communist movement through the CPRF's consultative council after the party's dissolution.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1935–2006 ↓ Natural causes

The party apparatus gatekeeper who managed Gorbachev's documents, then betrayed him

On August 18, 1991, Boldin flew to Foros alongside Baklanov, Varennikov, and Shenin to deliver an ultimatum to Gorbachev — the man whose paper flow he had managed for a decade.

An economist by training who graduated from the Timiryazev Agricultural Academy and the CC Academy of Social Sciences, he worked in the Central Committee apparatus from 1961 and later served as agricultural department head and economic commentator at Pravda. In 1981 he became Gorbachev's assistant, and in 1987 he was appointed head of the CC General Department, the office controlling the entire document flow of the Politburo and Secretariat, adding the post of presidential chief of staff in 1990. During the August 1991 coup, however, he sided with the State Emergency Committee and was one of the four emissaries who flew to Foros to confront Gorbachev; arrested after the coup's failure, he was detained and then amnestied in 1994.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1936–

Architect of perestroika cadres, last surviving Politburo member

In January 1989, Vilnius city party leaders sent Razumovsky a second appeal for a response to their criticisms — none came, and that December the Lithuanian CP declared independence.

Gorbachev's cadre chief, Razumovsky headed the CC Organizational-Party Work Department (1985–1988) and chaired the Party Building and Cadre Policy Commission (1988–1990), driving the largest personnel turnover of perestroika. An agronomist who rose to First Secretary of Krasnodar Kraikom (1983–1985), he became CC Secretary and candidate Politburo member in 1986. Under Gorbachev's banner of intra-party democracy, his rigid delegate quotas fueled a backlash in Lithuania's Communist Party that contributed to its secession. He later served as Consul General in Shanghai (1990–1992) and is, as of 2025, the last living member of the 1986 Politburo.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1936–2014 ○ Natural causes

From Kiev regional party leader to Gorbachev's last chief of staff

The day Gorbachev won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990, he called Revenko in and joked, 'Want to see a Soviet millionaire?' The two then allocated the entire million-plus dollars to children's oncology centres and Chernobyl areas. When done, Gorbachev smiled: 'Well, no more millionaire.'

Ukrainian Soviet party and state official who rose to first secretary of the Kiev Oblast Committee, the capital region's top party post, then became Gorbachev's chief of staff as head of the USSR Presidential Apparatus in the union's final months. Moving up through Komsomol and party bodies, he became first secretary of the Kiev Oblast Committee in 1985 and was elected to the CPSU Central Committee in 1986. In 1990 he joined the Presidential Council, and in August 1991 Gorbachev made him head of the Presidential Apparatus, where he managed the shift from party to presidential rule. After the dissolution he was vice president of the Gorbachev Foundation before returning to Kiev.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1936–

Organizational-Party Work deputy chief who witnessed Sumgait, and said 'we were a day late'

Gorbachev says we were three hours late: nothing of the sort. We were a day late! Because we waited a whole day for the decision to send in troops.

A railway engineer who rose through the party apparatus to become deputy head of the CPSU Central Committee Organizational-Party Work Department (1987–1988) under Gorbachev. On the night of February 28, 1988, he and KGB deputy chairman Filipp Bobkov arrived in Sumgait, where he witnessed the mutilated corpses of the pogrom and later testified that Moscow's response was 'a day late, not three hours.' He later served as First Secretary of the Zaporizhzhia obkom (1988–1990) and Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine and Politburo member (1990–1991), before working in Moscow as vice-president of the Russian Union of Commodity Producers after the USSR dissolved.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1937–2009 ○ Natural causes

The last Politburo member who tried to save the USSR and went to prison for it

Attributed to Shenin after the coup's defeat and reported according to media data, the GKChP members made the main mistake: having said 'A,' they did not say 'B' and all the rest of the alphabet.

Born in 1937 in Stalingrad Oblast, he was convicted in 1958 of violating safety rules after two workers died at his construction site, receiving a one-and-a-half-year sentence and being released early after nine and a half months. He joined the CPSU in 1962 and served as First Secretary of the Achinsk city committee (1974-1977), party adviser in Afghanistan (1977-1983), first secretary of the Krasnoyarsk kraikom (1987-1990). As CC secretary and Politburo member from 1990 he oversaw organizational-party work and was called the third man in the CPSU after Gorbachev and Ivashko, supported the GKChP and on 18 August 1991 flew to Gorbachev at Foros, and was arrested on 23 August 1991. Released on health grounds in October 1992 and amnestied in February 1994, he died aged 71 on 28 May 2009.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1937–2014 ○ Natural causes

An economist who carried price theory into the transition to a market economy

Through the 500 Days programme, he pushed his research on price formation toward a plan for transforming the Soviet economy into a market.

Nikolai Petrakov was a Soviet economist who used mathematical analysis to study price formation and the balancing of costs, output, and incomes in a planned economy. He pursued market mechanisms and price reform, and in 1990 joined Stanislav Shatalin and Grigory Yavlinsky as a co-author of the 500 Days programme. The programme sought to move the Soviet economy toward a market through privatization, price liberalization, and a transfer of authority to the republics, placing Petrakov’s research and policy work at the junction of economic modelling and urgent political choice. He later founded the Institute for Market Problems and led research on market transition and economic policy.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1937–2017 ○ Natural causes

Architect of women's and family policy in the perestroika era, the fourth woman ever on the Politburo

“I simply refuse to be limited. I would not tolerate it for a minute.” — pushing back against being pigeonholed as the Politburo's 'woman's issues' token

Galina Semyonova was one of only four women in Soviet history to serve as a full member of the CPSU Politburo. As a Central Committee secretary in the late Gorbachev period, she was responsible for family, women's, and demographic policy. For a decade from 1981, she edited Krestyanka (Peasant Woman), transforming the magazine's content toward fashion, family, and culture and raising its circulation from 6 million to 22 million, connecting with the daily lives of millions of Soviet women. Elevated to the Politburo and Secretariat at the 28th Party Congress in 1990, she drove Central Committee resolutions to improve women's social standing and pushed for a new State Committee on Family and Women's Affairs. During the August 1991 coup, she was one of the few in the party leadership who refused to recognize the authority of the GKChP putschists.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1937–

The last-generation secretary who rebuilt the Russian Communist Party

On 25 October 1991 Kuptsov met Yeltsin at the Kremlin and urged him to rescind the ban on the Russian Communist Party. Yeltsin refused; Kuptsov then spent a year and a half as the underground First Secretary, steering the party to its reconstituting congress.

A metallurgical engineer who rose from a Vologda collective farm and steel mill through the party ranks, he served as First Secretary of the Vologda Regional Committee (1985–1990). In 1990 he was brought to Moscow as a CPSU Central Committee Secretary, heading the department for socio-political organizations and helping found the Communist Party of the RSFSR. Elected its First Secretary in August 1991 to replace the hardline Ivan Polozkov, he refused to endorse the GKChP coup but was nonetheless investigated for 'complicity.' After Yeltsin banned the party, Kuptsov kept its organizational skeleton alive underground and steered the February 1993 reconstituting congress that became the CPRF, then served eleven years as Zyuganov's first deputy chairman while the new Russian Communist Party consolidated.

Soviet Union state institutions Soviet communism 1938–2017 ○ Renal failure

First Secretary of the Baku Party Committee who blocked buses from entering Baku, shifting the violence to Sumgait

“I realized that it was a pogrom. I ordered all roads to the city blocked from these settlements. The order was executed. The buses went to Sumgait.”

A Soviet and Azerbaijani party and state official who rose through the construction sector to become First Secretary of the Baku City Party Committee in 1983. In February 1988, as buses carrying Azerbaijani refugees expelled from Armenia converged on Baku, he ordered the city's access roads blocked; the measure kept violence out of Baku but diverted the bus convoys to Sumgait, where the pogrom erupted days later. After the dissolution of the USSR, he served as the first president of independent Azerbaijan's football association (1992–2003), steering the country into UEFA and FIFA membership.

Soviet Communist Party and Bolsheviks Soviet communism 1938–2020 ○ Natural causes

The Leningrad chemistry lecturer whose 'I Cannot Forsake My Principles' became the manifesto of anti-perestroika forces

"Our media are lying about Stalin now. They are blackening our history."

A Leningrad chemist and CPSU member who, on 13 March 1988, published 'I Cannot Forsake My Principles' in Sovetskaya Rossiya, a full-throated defense of Stalin and an attack on perestroika. The article, drafted with the backing of Central Committee secretary Yegor Ligachev, was denounced by Pravda as the 'manifesto of anti-perestroika forces' and became the shock that drove Gorbachev to radicalize political reform ahead of the 19th Party Conference. After 1991 she founded the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKPB) and served as its general secretary, but neither she nor her party ever gained significant traction in post-Soviet Russia.

Soviet Union state institutions Soviet communism 1941–

An insider witness to the collapse of reform

He recalled that his task had “extended the history of the Soviet state by one day.”

Andrei Grachev was a specialist in international affairs and a journalist who worked on the international meaning and domestic politics of Soviet reform. After the August 1991 coup, he became Mikhail Gorbachev’s aide and final presidential press secretary, observing at close range both negotiations to preserve the Union and the disintegration of its state institutions. His memoirs and deposited personal papers document the tension between perestroika’s promise of democratic renewal and the acceleration of the Union’s collapse.