8. Between Chicos de España and “Homenaje al pueblo español”: Toward an Interpretation of Samuel Glusberg’s Solidarity from the Margins

Rosalie Sitman

The literary reviews that proliferated during the frst half of the twentieth century throughout the American continent provided transnational spaces of possibility for the encounter and propagation of new or competing political and aesthetic trends and ideas.[1] They also served as mouthpieces for the formulation of alternative critical discourses at momentous historical junctures that required ideological defnition, political commitment, and an ethical position: namely, the Spanish Civil War, the Second World War, and the beginnings of the Cold War. Situated at the crossroads between the personal itineraries and collective political-cultural projects of intellectuals from different Latin American nations, these dialogic and polyphonic “documents of culture” were at once witness and protagonist, product and producer of enduring texts and contexts in volatile socio-political circumstances. Hence their value both “as history and as text.”[2]

This relational textual network was part of a fuid system of sociability and communication, also comprising the encounters, congresses, travels, correspondence, tertulias, memoirs, diaries, book reviews, commentaries, publishing, translation, and other manifestations of cultural agency that defned intellectual praxis. As fagships of complex vital and discursive relationships where the American reality intertwined with the new aesthetic orientations and European ideological-political debates, these publications are an ideal vehicle for taking the pulse of the times and tracing the trajectories of the intellectual networks and circuits that actively contributed to the consolidation of cultural felds throughout Latin America.[3]

The Jewish-Argentine editor Samuel Glusberg (1898–87) was a consummate spinner of such webs and expert in the art of founding and sinking literary magazines, both within and across national borders.[4] Better known by his pseudonym Enrique Espinoza, Glusberg was a tireless writer, publisher, and cultural promoter whose unassuming demeanor belied the dynamism and determination with which the wheeler and dealer pursued his cultural campaigns and politics of “persons and periodicals.”[5] Propelled by an unwavering faith in the redeeming and rallying potential of (Latin) American letters, his cultural enterprises on both sides of the Andes had a signifcant impact on contemporary intellectual formations and debates, as well as on the professionalization of the publishing industry in the Southern Cone. The contribution made by Glusberg’s cultural entrepreneurship to the promotion of local talent and the difusion of ideas in Buenos Aires and Santiago has received belated recognition and is attracting growing scholarly interest in his person and his work.[6]

Glusberg’s literal and fgurative border crossings, through and within the transnational cultural circuits in which he circulated, had a profound impact in shaping the difuse contours of the double immigrant’s cultural agenda. This study will focus on two paradigmatic texts that illustrate the rallying force exercised by the Spanish Civil War in the construction of identity and the formation of intellectual spheres of infuence in Latin America. A close reading of Glusberg/Espinoza’s travelogue Chicos de España and “Homenaje al pueblo español,”[7] a special issue of the Chilean edition of his literary review Babel devoted to the Spanish confict, will provide insights into how artistic and intellectual circles across the Atlantic experienced and re-interpreted Spain’s fratricidal war.[8] Specifcally, this chapter will explore the part that it played as Latin American intellectuals debated their role and positioned themselves within their respective cultural felds—and in the international arena—against the backdrop of the ideological polarization that split the world into two irreconcilable camps on the eve of WWII.[9]

For Glusberg and the tight-knit cohort of intellectuals who made up and produced Babel-Chile, their solidarity from the margins with the Republican cause was more than an expression of genuine humanitarian concern for their plight. On the one hand, it functioned as an identitarian trope that allowed them to defne themselves and act within cohesive intellectual spaces, where perceived de-territorialized experiential commonalities and the aesthetic or political afnities of the network carried more weight than barriers of nation and ethnicity and transcended epistemological paradigms of center and periphery.[10] On the other hand, it served them as a “tool for intervention” in contemporary public debates and events both at home and in Europe, albeit from afar.[11] As we shall see, the relentless repudiation of Francoism and, by extension, the condemnation of fascism and Stalinism and the rejection of all forms of authoritarianism would remain a distinctive identity marker of the intellectuals grouped around Glusberg’s Chilean edition of Babel.

In a sense, the “Babelian” adventure began when Samuel Mohiliver Glusberg immigrated as a small child with his family to Argentina in 1905 in the wake of the pogrom that had decimated the Jewish community of his native Kishinev at the turn of the last century. This tragedy prefgured the rabbi’s son’s enduring perception of his otherness:

Que éramos personas distintas, lo supe a edad muy temprana cuando Kischnev se convirtió a raíz de un pogrom en ‘la ciudad de la matanza,’ según el título de un todavía famoso poema del poeta nacional hebreo J. N. Bialick.[12] He was barely out of school in 1919 when he used the money gifted to him by an uncle in Chile to launch “Ediciones Selectas América. Cuadernos mensuales de Letras y Ciencias” as a means to divulge his literary discoveries. The enormous success of these pamphlets led to the creation of the Biblioteca Argentina de Buenas Ediciones Literarias (BABEL) and the publication of over sixty cheap yet scrupulously edited titles that transformed the twenty-something talent scout into the much sought-after publisher of such luminaries as Leopoldo Lugones, Horacio Quiroga, Benito Lynch, Alberto Gerchunof, and Alfonsina Storni, to name but a few.[13]

In April 1921, Glusberg decided to complement his publishing endeavors with the creation of an eponymous literary review. Babel. Revista de arte y crítica was expressly apolitical, as much a showcase for acclaimed Argentine writers as a platform for the difusion of promising new talent, in line with the Jewish immigrant’s concerted eforts to reafrm the Argentine dimension of his identity and gain entry to mainstream cultural circles. At the same time, the inclusion of Augusto D’Halmar, Pedro Prado, and Gabriela Mistral in the roster of contributors pointed to the bridges that the young editor was building with Chilean peers, while the presence of Cuban Juan Marinello, Peruvian Pedro Basadre, and Venezuelan Arturo Uslar Pietri brought to the growing network the legitimation of established Latin American fgures.[14]

Toward the end of the decade, Glusberg replaced Babel with the more vociferous La Vida Literaria. Periódico de Crítica, Información y Bibliografía.[15] The broadsheet practiced a manifestly Americanist cultural policy, in the spirit of the message of continental unity propounded by the leftist North American Jewish intellectual Waldo Frank and the Peruvian Marxist intellectual José Carlos Mariátegui, with whom the Argentinean had established an epistolary friendship. Perhaps not surprisingly, the leftist thought and especially the Americanist ideal that they promoted had struck a chord in the heart and mind of the Jewish entrepreneur. Threatened by the xenophobia and rife nationalist sentiment that were fast making headway among certain right-wing sectors of Argentine society and the cultural feld with the blessing of the Argentine Catholic Church, an increasingly alienated Glusberg welcomed the more palatable alternative they ofered of being part of a complicit intellectual brotherhood that transcended national borders and barriers of ethnicity or faith. The three hatched the idea of launching a publication of continental scope, which they signifcantly called “Nuestra América,” but the death of Mariátegui in 1930 truncated the project.[16] Frank then suggested inviting the aristocratic salonnière Victoria Ocampo to join the venture, an idea that Glusberg enthusiastically endorsed. Unfortunately for the Jewish editor, Ocampo commandeered the project and transformed it into the successful “revista Sur,” leaving Glusberg to lick his wounds in a scathing note published in La Vida Literaria shortly before its demise in 1932.[17]

Smarting from this rejection and deeply troubled by the convulsed intellectual climate and acute economic, social, and institutional crises of the early 1930s, a more radicalized Glusberg sought in the left the place that the rightist nationalists and the liberal elite had denied him. In 1935, eager to escape the stifing authoritarianism of “infamous” post-coup Argentina, the disillusioned editor abandoned the country that he would always call his own and crossed the Andes to neighboring Chile, where a brief holiday turned into marriage and a protracted stay of nearly forty years.[18] Shortly after the wedding, Samuel and Catita Glusberg embarked for Spain, on the voyage that would engender Chicos de España.

Chile in the mid- to late 1930s enjoyed a climate of political tolerance and ideological pluralism where exiled intellectuals and refugees feeing from Latin American dictatorships or persecution in Europe could fnd shelter and participate in the lively cultural scene of Santiago’s bohemian cafés.[19] The unprecedented authoritarianism of the second quasi-dictatorial administration of Arturo Alessandri had polarized the left and led to the formation of an opposition coalition that banded together democrats, radicals, socialists, communists, and labor unions. The triumph of the Popular Front candidate, radical Pedro Aguirre Cerda, in the presidential elections of 1938 cemented the integration of these new social sectors of the left into the political system. Naturally, the Popular Front followed developments in Spain very closely.[20] The memory of Alessandri’s repression and daily reminders of the lessons gleaned from the Spanish example made sure that the government adopted a conciliatory and non-confrontational course of action. Thus, Aguirre Cerda—at least initially—pursued accommodations between the right and the left and an immigration policy that was more sensitive to the urgency of the situation of Spanish refugees and European Jews.

Glusberg’s self-exile in Chile was greeted warmly by likeminded local intellectuals familiar with his cultural endeavors—Mariano Latorre, Jorge Edwards Bello, José Santos González Vera—as well as by key fgures of the thriving community of Latin American exiles, among them Aprista sympathizers Luis Alberto Sánchez and Ciro Alegría, and Venezuelan Mariano Picón-Salas.[21] In one way or another, they all contributed to the burgeoning continental imaginary being forged within the inclusive intellectual and literary spaces of sociability through which they circulated in cosmopolitan Santiago under the Popular Front—a far cry from the exclusionary Buenos Aires that the Jewish entrepreneur had escaped.[22] Binding together these intellectuals, as Sánchez attested, was the fate of Spain:

La derrota de los republicanos en España aceleró el proceso de aglutinamiento en Chile. En las kermesses, rifas, funciones teatrales a benefcio de los republicanos españoles, se soldaban diferencias internas. . . . La guerra civil derribó los tabiques que nos separaban.[23]

Scarcely a year after his arrival in Santiago, Glusberg, former secretary of the Argentine Society of Writers, became the director of its Chilean counterpart and began contributing impassioned texts in support of the Spanish Republic to the Revista de la SECH (Sociedad de Escritores de Chile), which he had founded in collaboration with Manuel Rojas.[24] He also collaborated in Onda Corta, a publication created with the express purpose of defending cultural freedom by bolstering Spanish Republicans and indicting fascism. It was here that Glusberg frst published “Signifcación histórica del ‘Mono Azul,’” one of three “programmatic” texts that he appended to the travel notes in Chicos de España.[25]

Although symbolically dated 1935, the actual year during which the Glusberg couple traveled to Spain, Chicos de España did not see the light of day until October of 1938; this was the same year that saw the Popular Front come to power in Chile and the same year of Glusberg’s decisive encounter with Trotsky in Mexico—a fateful meeting that sparked a lifelong admiration for the Marxist ideologue, markedly refected in the pages of Babel and its director’s cultural politics.[26] Chicos de España is a hybrid text—part travel diary, part essay—comprising eight chapters, a Heinean epilogue, and three appendices. Not intended for publication, it was to be a record of Glusberg’s impressions as he and his wife crossed Andalucía on the way to Madrid, ostensibly to attend a conference of librarians, at the behest of Lugones. However, in reality, the trip was more a belated honeymoon.[27]

But in 1938, appalled by the atrocities perpetrated by “los verdugos seculares de España, trayendo aviones italianos y alemanes para masacrar a las mujeres y los niños bajo su propio cielo nativo,” the Argentinean changed his mind and decided to make his notes public.[28] It was a transformative act of defance. By preserving for future generations of “chicos de España” a textual record of the “España infantil” that he and his wife had traveled through, only three years earlier, led by a motley bunch of “mozalbetes”—that is, a record of “the Spain that was” before “la revuelta criminal de los generales facciosos”[29]—the cultural agent had morphed into an agent of memory with a historic mission at a historic time. In this sense, Chicos de España becomes a militant text; a discursive weapon that—“en la imposibilidad de volar hasta ellos como André Malraux y otros escritores internacionales, admirablemente equipados para su defensa”[30]—enabled the now also Chilean cultural promoter to assume his moral responsibility as a writer and intervene, however obliquely, on behalf of the heroic Republican resistance. To write was to act.

In Chicos de España, Glusberg prioritized his ethnic (Jewish) identity in order to construct collective identifcation with Republican Spain.[31] He articulated a meticulously crafted Sephardic frame of reference (beginning with his pseudonym, Espinoza, in honor of the Jewish Dutch philosopher Baruch Spinoza) to evoke the ties that bound him, an Ashkenazi Jew (and by extension all Jews), to the linguistic, literary, and cultural traditions of Sefarad: the Spain of Jehuda Halévy, the medieval poet “que supo intuir la esencia de España, acunando y acuñando los primeros versos castellanos de que hay memoria en nuestro idioma.”[32] As the text progressed, the Jewish motifs increased. Myriad allusions to Spain’s enlightened Jewish past—“testimonio elocuente . . . de una época de tolerancia”[33]—were counterposed to the dark and menacing Spain of “una siniestra pareja de la guardia civil,” “sombríos tricornios,” “soplones,” and “la bárbara represión de Asturias,” in a specular dynamic of sameness and alterity. It was an efective discursive ploy.[34] By retrieving and appropriating common cultural bonds from a forgotten shared past, Glusberg/Espinoza established a chain of memory between the “Madre España,”—“que han compartido todos los grandes judíos”[35]—and “la España joven” embodied by the Second Republic that, on the occasion of Maimonides’s centenary, had ofcially recognized that same “convivencia histórica durante siglos.”[36]

These perceived historical and cultural commonalities were compounded by the prospect of a tragic shared fate in Glusberg’s “Por qué los judíos deben ayudar al pueblo español.”[37] The text was an impassioned wake-up call urging Jews to spring into action and rally in support of Spanish Republicans— and in self-defense:

[El judío] debe ponerse cuanto antes de parte del pueblo español en este defnitivo juego de vida o muerte. . . . De lo contrario, tarde o temprano, correrá la misma suerte del judío alemán que no supo sumarse a tiempo a la campaña contra Hitler, en la esperanza de salvarse por su cuenta de los infernales campos de concentración.[38]

The example of “el comportamiento del sanguinario general Franco con la población israelita del África española,” inspired by “los eruditos husmeadores del Tercer Reich,” served as a stark reminder that, in the totalitarian war being waged, the various fascist regimes did not discriminate in their treatment of the “heroico pueblo español” and European Jews.[39]

The inclusion of this “voz de alarma” in the fnal section of Chicos de España, even though it had already appeared in the Buenos Aires Jewish monthly Judaica[40] in July 1937, underscores the Jewish editor’s prescient preoccupation with the very real threat facing his coreligionists, certainly in Europe but also closer to home, where “la Guerra santa, que otra vez predican los obispos de la iglesia romana,”[41] and the rising xenophobic sentiment, fanned by pro-Nazi propaganda and right-wing nationalist sympathizers, were fast becoming a major concern:

[p]ues el odio actual al obrero sobreviviente a la masacre, pongamos, de Málaga, por las tropas italianas y la aviación tudesca, en nada se diferencia del antiguo odio al hebreo. Y no solo allá los identifcan en un mismo color de sangre los señoritos que creen tenerla azul . . . porque el enemigo 1 del judío es el mismo del pueblo español.[42]

In 1939, President Aguirre Cerda appointed poet Pablo Neruda as special consul for Spanish immigration, frst in Spain and then in Paris. Charged with selecting refugees whose trades would be benefcial for the country, Neruda made sure to include a broad spectrum of intellectuals, writers, artists, and artisans amidst the 2,000 or so Spaniards who fed Europe on the Winnipeg, a French freighter bound for the Chilean port of Valparaíso.[43] Among them was the Jewish Polish-Spanish typographer Mauricio Amster, who had revolutionized graphic design in Republican Spain with his propaganda posters and the Antifascist School Primer. In time, he would become one of Glusberg’s closest friends and associates. He joined Babel shortly after his arrival in Chile and was responsible for redesigning the magazine.[44]

On May 1, 1939, “el hombre de las veinte patrias,” as Glusberg was once dubbed,[45] inaugurated the Chilean edition of Babel.[46] “[A]ntes que una nueva revista, una revista de revistas que continúa de uno y otro lado de los Andes,” read the editorial, emphasizing from the outset the transnational nature of the endeavor and the continuity of the network, while echoing its director’s own intellectual and existential itinerary.[47] New collaborators joined the ranks of faithful contributors, Argentineans Ezequiel Martínez Estrada and Luis Franco. Of humble origins and anarchist leanings and with similar cultural and social concerns, Argentine-born Manuel Rojas and José Santos González Vera,[48] together with Mauricio Amster, were much more compatible “compañeros de viaje”[49] for Glusberg in his new Chilean circumstance. Not only did these “Babelian” intellectuals share ideological afnities, class, immigrant condition, and attitude toward literature and the literary task,[50] but they were also driven by an overriding ideal of justice, which manifested itself as a recurring leitmotif in their works.

If Babel-Argentina had steered clear of politics, the more mature BabelChile would boast a kind of political and aesthetic heterodoxy, committing to the international leftist opposition, with a libertarian bent, and adopting an ecumenical humanist-pacifst stance.[51] Infuenced by Trotsky and the belief that the editorial task should serve an ideologically cohesive intellectual community capable of formulating a new American identity, Glusberg’s new Babel aspired to ofer “[u]na visión más elevada del nuevo mundo.”[52] This may be understood as an indication of the locus of production from the new world projecting outwards in a universalist thrust as well as an expression of their collective purpose: to create a better world guided by the moral imperative of keeping alive “el sentimiento de libertad, estimando que el hombre debe ser la medida de todo.”[53] Thus committed to the safeguard of intellectual, political, and cultural independence, they would relentlessly denounce Franco’s excesses, Hitler’s persecutions, Stalin’s purges, and any other totalitarian or imperialist designs.[54] “Y España, la España negra, como herida que apenas cicatriza,” always in the background.[55]

In July and August 1946, Babel published a special issue in homage to the Spanish people.[56] This was signifcant for several reasons: First, because it condensed the programmatic line of the magazine, highlighting the ethicalpolitical dimension of its mandate—a blend of cultural Americanism with anti-imperialist overtones and a marked social concern. Second, because ten years after the outbreak of the hostilities, it underscored the continuing relevance of the Spanish confict as a referent in the context of the growing concern over the new world order that was brewing at the dawn of the Cold War in the aftermath of WWII. And third, because it acknowledged the testimonial value of chronicles and frst-person accounts—in this case, the accounts of war correspondents Arthur Koestler and Vincent Sheean ratifying the validity of such documents, partway between personal and collective history, as legitimate sources for historical analysis.[57] Of these, Amster’s depiction of the road to exile through the story of the Spanish orphan and the German brigadista who took him under his wing is striking for two reasons: due to the emotional impact of the humanization of victims dehumanized by the Francoist victors and also because Amster had tabled the harsh reality that children, too, were victims of the confict.[58]

Ten years had elapsed since the beginning of the war in Spain: a temporal distance that now demanded the exercise of critical distance. This was the gist of Enrique Espinoza’s essay, suggestively titled “Conciencia histórica.”[59] It was time to refect and take stock, to apply hindsight and assess the conduct of the protagonists. Espinoza’s judgment was unequivocal. While he heaped praise on the political engagement of faithful poets from both sides of the Atlantic—Machado, Alberti, Miguel Hernández, León Felipe, Neruda and Vallejo—he deplored “el comportamiento equívoco” of the likes of Ortega y Gasset, Azorín, Pérez de Ayala, Menéndez y Pidal, and Gómez de la Serna, who had remained “au dessus de la melée . . . [c]uando la España Negra del convento y la caserna ensangrentó de golpe a la otra del trabajo y la República, con las bendiciones del clero.”[60]

The more critical “Diez años,”[61] an impassioned contemporary J’accuse! from the pen of future national laureate Manuel Rojas, was a scathing indictment of the betrayal of the Spanish people by the government, the army, the Soviet Union, and especially the so-called democracies that had abandoned them to their fate “cuando la bota imperialista de los nacis y fascistas resonó en sus imperiales posaderas.”[62] And all for the sake of defending “el negocio de todos y de cada uno.”[63] The infamed anti-imperialist and anti-c apitalist rhetoric of Rojas’s invective served diferent purposes. It showed Babel’s awareness that the civil war had been as much a class war as an ideological confrontation and a confict of economic interests and of creeds. Second, its overarching censure of Francoism, fascism, Stalinism, and the democracies confrmed its status as a mouthpiece for the independent left. Finally, in the context of the presidential elections of September 1946 in Chile, by criticizing North American imperialism and vindicating social revolution, Babel was clearly aligning with specifc sectors of the Chilean left—sectors that, committed to the social struggle and critical of the country’s recent rapprochement with the United States, were only playing the democratic game in order to secure the victory of the Popular Front candidate in the impending elections. This was Babel’s not-so-subtle way of intervening in the local public debate as a publication that was directed and run by immigrants. All this occurred against the backdrop of tirades against the Spanish church and national fascist Catholicism, as well as constant ridicule of the fgure of Franco through the liberal use of diminutives and pejoratives: “el generalito español que arrasó a sangre y fuego su país,” “dictadorzuelo,” “don Paquito, el enano de Salamanca.”[64]

As we have seen, the echoes of the Spanish Civil War reverberated on American soil, forcing intellectuals to take sides and galvanizing public opinion. An infamed anti-Francoist and anti-imperialist rhetoric, anchored in a Latin Americanist praxis with a clear ethical stance, enabled Glusberg’s “Babelian” intellectual alliance to defne itself politically and ideologically. Their solidarity with the Spanish Republican cause and the class struggle allowed them to intervene in defense of liberty, intellectual autonomy, and cultural independence, whether from a distance, in the international debate, or closer to home, in the Chilean political scene.

By the time Babel-Chile ceased to exist in 1951, it enjoyed widespread recognition.[65] Clearly, “el extranjero de tanta calidad intelectual”[66] had succeeded in translating his transitive and transformative migratory experience[67]—“esta torre que yo mismo he sido”[68]—into a successful collective cultural venture, produced by and within a Latin American context. The documentary legacy of Chicos de España and transnational Babel underscores the ease with which people and ideas could cross oceans and mountains and take root and fourish under diferent political circumstances, but within a space where the cohesiveness of a perceived cultural identity and commonality of language— in a broad sense—held more sway than porous national or geographic borders (i.e., in Latin America). Tracing the story of the border crossings of “magnet intellectuals”[69] such as the multifaceted Jewish-Argentine-Chilean cultural mediator and promoter Samuel Glusberg—and, by extension, the role played by their transnational intellectual circuits in forming and consolidating autonomous intellectual felds in Latin America[70]—has signifcant implications for the construction of a cultural map of the continent. Unfortunately, such contours exceed the borders of this text and must necessarily be left for future studies.

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