10. Como buen republicano—Flamenco and Political Protest in the 1930s

Shai Efrat

Flamenco is often seen as one of the symbols of Spain, but for many Spaniards, it is socially and politically charged. As a genre born in the second half of the nineteenth century in Andalusia, it experienced ups and downs and managed to break through and become a popular genre around the world even under the dictatorial regime of General Francisco Franco. However, it may have been forgotten or suppressed that, decades before, famenco was an integral part of the support and later of the fght for the Second Republic. Artists expressed their support mainly through songs, and some even took an active part in the civil war in the ranks of the Republic. This chapter gives voice to those artists, explores their identifcation with the Republic, and, fnally, explains how this narrative was forgotten or replaced by another, one that was explicitly linked with the dictatorship—the Nationalist enemy.

Only little research on famenco addresses the drastic political changes of the 1930s in Spain and highlights to the role of famenco within this context. However, there are some exciting studies worth mentioning here: Grimaldos refers to the Republican famenco poetry in his book, which extensively reviews and deepens the social history of famenco.[1] Both Mora and Corrales write about Flamenco in Barcelona during the Second Republic.[2] Corrales focuses on the famenco performances that characterized Barcelona during the civil war between 1936 and 1937. He also mentions their commitment to the Republic, refected in famenco performances at antifascist festivals in Barcelona. Mora examines the transition between Miguel Primo de Rivera’s regime and the Second Republic. She describes various Republican events demonstrating social and political commitment that involved the participation or leadership of famenco artists.

Both Mora and Corrales open their essays with the difculty of placing famenco in the political spectrum, since most studies tend to identify famenco with the political right. It is, however, precisely in the 1930s that we see a shift in allegiances as famenco formed stronger ties with the political left. Still, during Francoism, it once again became identifed with the political right. As Corrales claims, this pendulum results from the fact that “el Flamenco, como cualquier otra manifestación artística, no puede ser encajado en determinada corriente política o ideológica” (Flamenco, like any other artistic manifestation, cannot be ftted into a certain political or ideological current).[3] Flamenco is a cultural and artistic expression that has adapted itself to changing circumstances. It is a dynamic genre that has been able to stay in motion and exist under diferent conditions and political regimes. Several scholars argue that those artists ultimately sought to assimilate to one political side or another according to the surrounding environment in each period and according to what would be advantageous for their career. I claim, however, that this is a somewhat superfcial view of those artists, because their commitment to the Republic went far beyond satisfying the paying audience. Many artists risked their lives for it. There is no doubt that reality afected the position they chose at the time, and they did have specifc interests to protect, but they were also motivated by ideology.

This chapter aims not only to explain the afliation of famenco artists to the political left during the 1930s but also to discuss the ability of the genre to move throughout the political map and serve diferent narratives. Following a brief introduction about famenco, I ofer several examples of artists who identifed with the Republic and even actively supported it. Their untold stories explain their political tendencies during this period. Finally, I discuss this change in the narrative surrounding famenco and highlight the essential nature of the genre, placing it in historical context.

Flamenco’s Origins and Development

Flamenco is a musical genre that took shape in Andalusia in the midnineteenth century and consists of three main elements: cante (singing), baile (dancing), and toque (playing, mainly associated with the classical Spanish guitar). It involves many specifc artistic elements and a whole world of concepts, but it also has a frm social, political, and ideological dimension. There is a tendency to consider famenco an ancient genre whose roots originated in Spain’s distant past, but this is in fact part of a romantic perception of the genre and the entire region. The current consensus among researchers is that famenco was formed into a musical genre only in the middle of the nineteenth century, when it was greatly infuenced by the regional context and the rich folklore that characterized the area as a space of diverse cultures and religions.

Like other genres around the world, famenco developed out of the processes of the modern division of labor, the change in the social structure, and the challenges to classical music, which together created a new bohemian current among those who tried to diferentiate themselves in their lifestyle and culture. Indeed, the Andalusian bohemia created famenco when they distinguished it from the folkloric styles in Andalusia, such as the seguidilla.[4] Flamenco was born in an urban context and refected the transition from anonymity, rurality, and innocence to performance centered on the stage, professionalism, and artists with names that gained fame. The frst manifestations of famenco appeared among the popular classes of the nineteenth century and as part of technological development, mass culture, and the commercialization of art.[5] Flamenco was thus born during the rise of the popular category and as part of those processes that co-occurred in diferent parts of the world. However, at the same time, it does not entirely ft into the popular category, largely because it was so tied to location—the close connection to Andalusia and the local folklore, as well as the ethnicity surrounding it, since many consider it a gitano[6] style. It is not easy to draw the line between popular music and folklore in the context of famenco. Flamenco does not settle on just one side of the spectrum, whether politically, musically, or in many other ways, as I demonstrate in this chapter. It contains contrasts that allow it to remain in motion, to have diferent expressions, and to serve contrasting narratives.

During Spain’s Second Republic (1931–39), which ended in a brutal civil war (1936–39), many famenco artists clearly identifed with the Republic. A signifcant portion of them supported the Republic, fought on the side of the Republicans, or encouraged them through music and art. However, a few decades later, with general Francisco Franco in power (1939–75), this history was forgotten and replaced. Instead, in the second half of the twentieth century, famenco became identifed with the dictatorship as a symbol of the Spanish nation.

Singing for the Republic

Evidence of the Republican tendency among famenco artists can be found mainly in the Cante for three main reasons:

1 Songs have explicit content. Even if it is not written (because famenco has

an oral heritage), it is easier to express a position in lyrics than in dance or melody. And it is also easier to record and preserve it. 2 At the time, the Cante was seen as the main element among famenco af-

cionados.[7] The dance was considered more attractive for tourists, and the guitar playing accompanied the singer and dancer. The singers were thus the “important” people with the mission. 3 Flamenco singing can often be heard as a kind of cry; for years, it was con-

sidered a means of expressing a complaint and protesting the harsh reality.

This does not mean that no musicians and dancers also supported the Republic, as is evident in their participation in the antifascist events that Corrales describes.[8]

Compilations of famenco music were released in 1996 and later in 2014. This was a signifcant contribution to the research and history of famenco since it brought together a substantial part of the songs committed to the Republican cause by diferent artists. Among the artists in the collection is Manuel Jiménez Martínez de Pinillos, known as Manuel Vallejo (1891–60). Vallejo was a successful and trendy Sevillian singer who also won the Golden Key award for famenco singing (which has only been awarded fve times since its foundation in 1868). The content of his songs was almost always political and social. His popularity demonstrates his ability to infuence, and his choice to bring politics into his pieces was signifcant because of this. He was known throughout Seville for his leftist tendencies, where he completed several tours with the anarchist union National Confederation of Labor (CNT) truck. He was the frst to record Republican fandangos[9] in Barcelona right after the declaration of the Second Republic. The lyrics were written by Emilio Mezquita y Vaca, while the music was created by Manuel López-Q uiroga Miquel (known as maestro Quiroga) and edited by the Catalan record company La Voz de Su Amo[10]:

. . . al grito de ¡VIVA ESPAÑA! Canto un fandango . . . como buen Republicano.[11]

. . . to the cry of VIVA ESPAÑA! I sing a fandango . . . as a good Republican.

After the civil war, Vallejo was ostracized and sufered from epileptic seizures; he never experienced the same professional success again.

Another singer starring in the collections is “Chato de las Ventas” (1886– 36). Born in Madrid in the Lavapies neighborhood, Pedro Martín Alonso started singing in metro stations before he began performing on stage in the Madrid theaters in the 1920s and 1930s. He was identifed as a Republican and participated in Republican events, which eventually led to his arrest. At the outbreak of the civil war, he was in Extremadura returning from a concert tour. The Civil Guard arrested him there and, after verifying his Republican militancy, imprisoned him, and sentenced him to death.[12] On his death certifcate, it states that he died of cardiac arrest, but there are in fact several accounts regarding his death. Another account, which was supported by his granddaughter, claims that he was shot to death by the fascists.[13]

In 1932, Chato de las Ventas contributed his famous Colombiana to the collection of the committed poems to the Republic. The song refers to Spain’s diferent regions and identities: Catalonia, the Basque Country, Andalusia, Asturias, etc., each of which asks for freedom and independence when, fnally, he also asks for it. This freedom is tied to the idea and the values of the Republic:

. . . todo el mundo pide ufano . . . voy a pedir también como buen republicano.[14]

. . . everyone is asking proudly I am going to ask too as a good Republican.

Another important example is “La niña de los peines” (1890–69). Born into a gypsy family of great artists, Pastora Pavón Cruz became a symbol of the famenco world. She recorded almost all songs of the famenco heritage in a comprehensive discography that is now cataloged as an oral heritage of Andalusia. Her support for the Republic was clear: during the Republic, she recorded republican songs, and during the civil war, she stayed in Madrid and continuously helped the Red Aid (Socorro Rojo). She also performed at charity events to raise funds for the Republican side. After the civil war, her artistic life was damaged and never recovered.[15] Her famous tangos clearly illustrate her republican tendency:

Triana, Triana qué bonita está Triana cuando le ponen al puente banderas republicanas.

Triana, Triana how beautiful Triana is when they put on the bridge Republican fags.

The song was not recorded until the 1940s, during the dictatorship, when its lyrics had to be changed according to censorship, and that is why it also remains so popular today.

Triana, Triana qué bonita esta Triana cuando le ponen al puente banderitas gitanas.

Triana, Triana how beautiful Triana is when they put on the bridge gypsy fags.

Another leading famenco singer, who gained an excellent reputation during the years of the Second Republic and Francoism, was Juanito Valderrama. With the outbreak of the civil war, he joined the ranks of the Republican side within the CNT (the National Confederation of Labor). He frst fought on the front line, but he soon moved to the rear and joined famous famenco fgures such as Pepe Marchena or Niño Ricardo, who sang for the Republican forces in the frst months of the war.[16] Valderrama is among those who, after the war, tried to stay and adapt to the new reality. He founded a new company, where he gave work to many artists who were vilifed for political reasons. He composed his famous work “El Emigrante,” a song with a hidden dedication to all the exiles of the period who were left with no choice:

Cuando salí de mi tierra/volví la cara llorando porque lo que más quería/atrás me lo iba dejando, . . . y aunque soy un emigrante jamás en la vida/yo podré olvidarte.[17]

When I left my land/I turned my face away crying because what I loved the most/I was leaving behind, . . . and although I am an emigrant I will never in life/be able to forget you.

Valderrama was even invited to sing this song before Franco. Antonio Burgos quotes him in his book Juanito Valderrama: mi España querida:

Hizo Ricardo una introducción a la guitarra, con el fondo del piano del maestro Quiroga, y allí delante de Franco, por culpa de quien tantos españoles se habían tenido que ir de España y no podían volver y tenían que vivir lejos de su tierra, me puse a cantar la canción que precisamente hablaba de ellos, porque entonces no había todavía emigrantes a Alemania con la maleta amarrada con guita, sino exiliados de nuestra tragedia por todo el mundo. (Ricardo made an introduction to the guitar, with the background of maestro Quiroga’s piano, and there in front of Franco, because of whom so many Spaniards had had to leave Spain and could not return and had to live far from their land, I began to sing the song that spoke precisely of them, because then there were not yet emigrants to Germany with the suitcase tied with money, but exiles of our tragedy all over the world.)

Franco, who enjoyed the piece and saw it as a patriotic message, even asked him for an encore: “Yo creo que he sido el único artista al que Franco, que era tan serio, le ha tocado las palmas y le ha pedido un bis.” (I think I was the only artist for whom Franco, who was so serious, clapped his palms and asked for an encore.) Valderrama feared for his life and could not help but think that Franco would discover its real message: Mientras la cantaba por segunda vez no se me quitaba el mosqueo. Seguía pensando: “¿Qué va a pasar ahora como este tío se entere bien y ya no le parezca tan patriótica? ¿Pensará de buenas o pensará meterme en la cárcel?”[18] (While I was singing it for the second time, I couldn’t get rid of my annoyance. I kept thinking, “What’s going to happen now if this guy fnds out and doesn’t think I’m so patriotic? Is he going to think good thoughts or is he going to put me in jail?”) It did not happen, and everything went smoothly and even successfully. However, it exposed him to criticism, and he was put in a diffcult spot. Those who did not know of his Republican past labeled him a Francoist, while he was identifed with the rojos (reds) by some Francoists. In the eyes of Burgos, his decision to stay was bold and brave compared to those who fed.

I would also like to mention José Ruíz Arroyo (“El Corruco de Algeciras”). As he specialized in famenco singing and began performing throughout Spain and recording albums, his Republican tendencies became apparent. Despite his obvious political leanings, Corruco was suddenly and tragically killed. The war caught him in a nationalist zone, where the national forces forcefully recruited him as they passed through Cádiz, and he had to fght in the Battle of the Ebro. As a result, he was killed by Republican fre at age twenty-eight while wearing the national uniform. According to Pinilla in Público, “Un amigo consiguió que no lo encarcelasen porque carecía de delitos de sangre, pero el cantaor republicano por antonomasia tuvo que alistarse en el bando franquista y fue abatido en la batalla del Ebro por fuego amigo.”[19] (A friend managed to keep him out of jail because he had not committed blood crimes, but the Republican singer par excellence had to enlist on Franco’s side and was killed in the battle of the Ebro by friendly fre.)

In one of his Republican songs, “Lleva una franja morá/¡Ay! Un grito de Libertad,”[20] he mentions the Republican fag and two important fgures: Fermín Galán and Ángel Garcia Hernández. The two were the leaders of the rebellion against the Spanish monarchy and were executed in December 1930. The rebellion was suppressed but provoked political upheavals that led to the proclamation of the Republic. Since then, they have become a Republican symbol.

Finally, I would like to refer to “El Guerrita” (1905–75). Born in Cartagena, Murcia, Manuel González López started singing at the age of twelve. His nickname comes from the word guerra (war) precisely because of the many Republican words he interpreted and their combative tone. His adherence to the Republic was apparent. He recorded a variety of fandango lyrics as well as other styles, to which he gave a distinct Republican meaning:

España Republicana

y lo es de corazón . . .[21]

Spain is Republican and it is from the heart . . .

In his songs, he also expresses his criticism of tyranny and encourages enlistment in the ranks of the Republic, when he directly states:

¡Juntarse a nuestras flas![22] Join our ranks! His involvement in politics ultimately cost him dearly. In a well-known story about him, he was confused with a falangist torero with the same name; he was thus accused of being a traitor and even beaten by Republican fellows. He was seriously injured, leading to the end of his career.

There are many other examples of artists who supported the Republican cause and risked their lives for it. I have chosen to discuss some of them here to illustrate the reality of the period and the pattern that existed for a reason among famenco artists. As these stories have shown, those artists’ political commitment led many to the end of their careers, whether forced into exile, critically injured, or even killed. For artists who remained in Spain and tried to continue their careers, the postwar reality was very complex, and their political past put them in many positions of confict and risk.

The Republican Tendency

The aforementioned examples clearly demonstrate the Republican tendency that those artists had. It was hard to fnd such identifcation with the nationalist side. As Piñeiro writes, the nationalist side had its music, which was a diferent kind of music:

Entre las canciones recopiladas del Bando Nacional destaca la presencia de un gran número de composiciones de origen culto o semiculto, en su mayoría de autor reconocido, sobre las que predominan aquellas vinculadas a la Falange. . . . La mayoría de estas composiciones presentan un ritmo militarizado (es el caso de Camisa Azul) refejo de la organización castrense de este bando. En sus letras, existen una serie de ideas recurrentes (el amanecer, el sol, Isabel y Fernando . . .) sobre las que se sustentaban algunos de los fundamentos ideológicos de los llamados nacionales.[23] (Among the compiled songs of the Bando Nacional, the presence of a great number of compositions of cult or semi-cult origin stands out, most of them of recognized author, over which predominate those linked to the Falange. . . . Most of these compositions present a militarized rhythm [as in the case of Camisa Azul], refecting the military organization of this side. In their lyrics, there are a series of recurring ideas [the dawn, the sun, Isabel and Fernando . . . on which some of the ideological foundations of the so-called nationalists were based.)

The only song found related to famenco that was played on both sides is a Copla Flamenca, called “Mi Jaca.” On the nationalist side, it was sung by Estrellita Castro, a famous singer and actress. In contrast, on the Republican side, it was sung by Angelillo, a famenco copla singer and actor. But the songwriters had a clear Republican identity.[24] There were probably several famenco artists who supported the nationalist side. However, there is no doubt that the general tendency was toward the Republic, and with good reason.

The main reason lies in the characteristics of the region and these artists’ background. Andalusia in the nineteenth century was an area with a high concentration of peasants and agricultural workers, mostly uneducated and illiterate. Hierarchy, class diferences, inequality, poverty, and hunger characterized the region. The concentration of land in the hands of a few and the working conditions led to conficts, protests, and the creation of many movements and associations, including trade unions, some of them with anarchist agendas. Their main aim was to access land ownership. Ideas from the socialist spectrum began to spread throughout the region, and several socialist parties, recognizing the potential inherent in those unions, tried to recruit them into their ranks. That is how the connection with the political left was born, which later led to the sacrifce of many Andalusians in the battles for the Republic. As Goldbach describes:

Sevilla was the frst major city invaded by the Nationalist forces in the July 1936 coup. Both Triana and the neighboring barrio of Macarena were known to be hotbeds of anarcho-syndicalism and communism and presented the greatest armed resistance to the coup.[25]

Flamenco, as an art that was born in Andalusia at the same time, primarily among destitute, illiterate people, and sometimes within the families of these workers, was infuenced by the struggles that were refected in the content of the songs. The rise of the Second Republic in Spain initially benefted these workers, fulflling the vision of abolishing the monarchy and improving citizens’ rights. During the Republic, culture in general and famenco in particular fourished. As Gamboa writes, “It will be during the Republic when the frst famenco artists join the Spanish Society of Authors and Publishers. According to the box ofce and ticket sales, cinematography, famenco, football, and bullfghting are experiencing moments of splendor.”[26] Vargas also describes this euphoria in the Republic:

La II República constituyó uno de los momentos de mayor expansión e innovación estética en las artes y en la cultura en general, algo a lo que no fue ajeno el famenco. En general, el mundo del famenco, que era considerado “arte del pueblo”, celebró con entusiasmo el advenimiento de la república, los espectáculos triunfaban con fguras de la talla de la Niña de los Peines, Manuel Vallejo o Pepe Marchena que estaban en un momento esplendente, aparecen nuevos estilos por parte de éstos y otros cantaores y la guitarra famenca de concierto, personifcada en Ramón Montoya, se presenta en París. Desde un punto de vista lúdico-social, el nuevo género musical se incorpora como una forma más de la cultura de masas, cual era el caso del cine o los espectáculos producidos para grandes auditorios tal ocurría con los conciertos de “ópera famenca” en plazas de toros y teatros.[27] (The Second Republic was one of the moments of greatest expansion and aesthetic innovation in the arts and culture in general, something to which famenco was no stranger. In general, the world of famenco, which was considered “art of the people,” celebrated with enthusiasm the advent of the republic, the shows triumphed with fgures of the stature of the Niña de los Peines, Manuel Vallejo, or Pepe Marchena, who were in a splendid moment; new styles appeared by these and other singers, and the famenco concert guitar, personifed in Ramón Montoya, was presented in Paris. From a ludic-social point of view, the new musical genre is incorporated as one more form of mass culture, as was the case with the cinema or the shows produced for large auditoriums, such as the “famenco opera” concerts in bullrings and theaters.)

That is another reason they fought for it and sought to protect and preserve it. The same support and sympathy toward the Republic were expressed in the period’s songs, which were later used during the civil war.

The Change in the Narrative

With the victory of the nationalists and the rise of Francisco Franco to power, a few decades later, famenco became identifed with the dictatorship. Some even refer to the later period of Francoism as Nacionalfamencismo, and famenco was transformed into—or rather returned as—one of the main symbols of the Spanish nation.

In the 1950s, in what is known as late Francoism, when the regime began to moderate and open up in certain ways (mainly for economic growth and to improve its image in the world), employment opportunities in the famenco feld increased. The then new Ministry of Information and Tourism launched initiatives in music and culture and new campaigns, inviting tourists from all over the world to experience what Spain had to ofer: among other things, famenco. This new atmosphere of development and tourism in Spain also opened doors for famenco artists. During this period, two famenco venues were born: the Tabalo and the Peña Flamenca. The new wave of tourists created a renewed demand for famenco while the interest in famenco in Spain itself emerged in cinema, music, and theaters. As a result, famenco became associated with Franco’s dictatorial regime within a few years and created the impression that there was a connection between the two, when in practice, famenco managed to return and thrive under the regime, but not entirely thanks to it.

This change in the general narrative—from famenco associated with the Republic to famenco associated with the Francoist regime—was also possible due to the complex nature of the genre. Flamenco was born controversial and has constantly provoked discussion and criticism around it in diferent periods, whether regarding ethnicity, identity, quality, authenticity, or issues surrounding messages of hedonism and sensuality that it transmits through aspects of the performance. Canova explains that famenco contains many tensions expressed in binary contrasts, such as private–public, domestic–foreign, local–national, pure–impure, Gypsy–Andalusian, and traditional–modern.[28] I claim that these tensions allow it to exist simultaneously in diferent spaces and diverse expressions. Flamenco is not a single, unequivocal expression with precise characteristics but a spectrum of expressions. As a result, it can sometimes be gitano and sometimes Andalusian (instead of only one or the other); it can be traditional, and it can be modern. It depends on the point of view, the reality, and the diferent interests it may serve. The fact that it already contains these many possibilities allows it to exist in diverse spaces and ft diferent narratives with various interests. It allows the genre to stay in motion and pragmatically survive periods with distinct political and social challenges. Likewise, in the context of the civil war and the dictatorship, famenco could be both Republican and, some years later, one of the marketing symbols of the dictatorship. Artists who survived the war and tried to restore their careers rebranded themselves according to the current reality and its demands. When they could, some even returned to protest through famenco during later stages of the Francoist regime, such as José Menese, Antonio Gades, Paco Moyano, and Manuel Gerena.

Conclusions

This case study examines the political and social dimensions of famenco. As a genre born from below, from the people, it refects their day-to-day life with all that it entails. During the Republic and the civil war, famenco artists were identifed with the Republicans through their poetry and singing, largely because these artists grew up in Andalusia. Flamenco is not associated with a particular political side but is infuenced by life and experience. Due to the local character of famenco, its Andalusian identity, and thus the common background of the artists and afcionados (famenco fans), the general tendency to support the Republic in the 1930s is understandable.

At the same time, the success of the genre and its capacity to traverse the borders of not only Andalusia but also Spain repeatedly led to its appropriation on a political and national scale. The change in the narrative regarding famenco that followed the wivil war shows how it can serve diferent interests and exist in diverse spaces, mainly thanks to its complexity and the tensions inherent to the genre. Today, after being associated with the dictatorship for years, famenco has managed to shake this narrative and has undoubtedly become one of the most famous genres in the world.

Although there is still far more to learn about the life stories of these artists and others, this research opens up other questions. Many artists were forced into exile during and after the civil war; some became famous in exile and only later returned to Spain, and some never returned. It will be interesting to examine what happened to those artists during their exile and whether the protest continued. It is also interesting to investigate the moral or other challenges faced by those who survived the war and stayed in Spain with the possibility to continue their careers. Alternatively, one could also examine the later protest among artists in the 1960s and 1970s when famenco was already considered a famous national symbol.

Bibliography

Álvarez Rodríguez, Chema. “El Chato de las Ventas y el Amor de Juan Simón.” El Salto, December 30, 2021. www.elsaltodiario.com/famenco/el-chato-de-las-ventasel-amor-de-juan-simon.

Burgos, Antonio. “Aquella España de Juanito Valderrama. Sinfonía de introducción: una copla para el Generalísimo.” Magazine, February 3, 2002. www.elmundo.es/ magazine/2002/123/1012557363.html#top.

Canova, Nicolas. “La música como objeto geográfco. Estado de la cuestión y perspectivas de tratamiento.” Antropología Experimental 15 (2015): 465–82.

Centro de Documentación musical de Andalucía. Cantes famencos republicanos dedicado a los capitanes Galán y García Hernández. Seville: Pasarela, D.L., 1996.

Cerrejón, Manuel, comp. Cantes, Cantos y Músicas de la Segunda República Española, 2011, playlist. https://open.spotify.com/album/6A2CpWrfCpXHedTvbHaQb0

Corazón Rural, Álvaro. “Memoria del cante famenco de la Segunda República.”Jot Down, n.d. www.jotdown.es/2015/10/memoria-del-cante-famenco-de-la-segunda-republica/.

Corrales, Eloy Martín. “El famenco en la Barcelona revolucionaria: julio de 1936 a mayo de 1937.” Actas del XXVIII Congreso de Arte Flamenco (Barcelona, 2000): 82–97.

Cruces Roldán, Cristina. “El Flamenco.” In Expresiones culturales andaluzes, edited by Juan Agudo and Isidoro Moreno, 219–82. Seville: Aconcagua Libros, 2012.

DeFlamenco. “Manuel Vallejo.” Revista DeFlamenco, August 3, 2012. www.defamenco.com/revista/cante/manuel-vallejo-3.html.

Gamboa, José Manuel. Una Historia del Flamenco. Madrid: Espasa, 2005.

Goldbach, Theresa. “Fascism, Flamenco, and Ballet Español: Nacionalfamenquismo.” Masters thesis, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 2014.

Grimaldos, Alfredo. Historia social del famenco. Barcelona: Península, 2017.

Mariño, Henrique. “Los cantaores de famenco que murieron por defender la República y luchar contra Franco.” Público, November 16, 2019. www.publico.es/politica/ franco-cantaores-famenco-republicanos-defensa-republica-franquismo.html.

Mora, Montse Madridejos. “El famenco en Barcelona. Intentos de adaptación a la II República.” Revista de Investigación sobre Flamenco “La madrugá” 2 (2010): 1–15.

Morales Muñoz, Manuel. “La voz de la tierra. Los movimientos campesinos en Andalucía (1868–1931).” Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine. De 1808 au temps présent 2 (2015).

Pineda Giraldo, Sara. “La II República a compases famencos.” In La Segona República. Cultures i projectes polítics. Congrés Internacional d’Història. Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016.

Piñeiro-Otero, Teresa. “El cancionero de la guerra civil. Propaganda y contrapropaganda sonora.” Revista de Comunicación de la SEECI 12 (2005): 108–46.

Pinilla, Juan. Las voces que no callaron. Flamenco y revolución. Interview by Manuel Pedraz, July 18, 2020. RTVE Audio, https://www.rtve.es/play/audios/contrastefamenco/contraste-famenco-juan-pinilla-voces-no-callaron-famenco-revolucion18-07-20/5627113/

Pinilla, Juan. “Las voces que no callaron.” Mundo Obrero, November 13, 2020. www.mundoobrero.es/2020/11/13/las-voces-que-no-callaron/.

Vargas, Paco. “La Utilización Política del Arte Flamenco.” ÁticoIzquierda.es Revista de cultura. Opinión y actualidad (2017). https://aticoizquierdafamenco.blogspot. com/2017/07/la-utilizacion-politica-del-arte.html

Vargillos, Juan. “60 años con Vallejo.” Diario de Sevilla, July 13, 2020. www. di ariodesevilla.es/mapademusicas/Manuel-Vallejo-60-aniversario-muerte_0_ 1481252090.html.